Saudi-Israeli alliance not new

Written By: Claudia Schwartz*

The proverb, ‘the enemy of my enemy is my friend’ characterizes the upshot of the current alignment in the Middle East, namely an alliance between two regional powers: Saudi Arabia and Israel. Is this alliance between the kingdom and its innate enemy a novel one? Perhaps to some extent, but it’s certainly not as recent as is being portrayed.

Following the dismantling of the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan and the fall of President Saddam Hussein in Iraq, Iran is stronger than ever. Since then, fear of a “Shiite crescent” dominated by the Islamic republic, but encompassing Iraq, Syria and Hezbollah in Lebanon has spread across the Sunni Arab world, successfully destabilizing the region. Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of Islam and home of its two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina, is the de facto head of the Muslim world. Iran, not Arab but Persian, not Sunni but Shia, poses both a religious and strategic threat to Saudi Arabia’s dominance over the region. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s rants against Israel pander to a Sunni Arab audience. Hamas leader, Khaled Mashal described Ahmadinejad’s Holocaust denial comments as “courageous,” stating that “Muslim people will defend Iran because it voices what they have in their hearts, in particular the Palestinian people.” This type of Sunni/Shia cooperation in addition to Hamas’ acceptance and use of money from Iran enrages the Saudi royals.

Saudi investment in regional diplomacy can be interpreted as an attempt to contain the growing Iranian/Shiite influence in Palestine — traditional Sunni territory. As King Abdullah asserted in an interview with al-Riyadh “We do not want anyone to exploit our problems in order to reinforce his own positions in his international conflicts. The Palestinian problem must be solved by the Arabs and by nobody else.”

For Israel, the threat of a nuclear Iran whose president wants its destruction is no less alarming. It views it as existential. Consequently, the threat from the so-called Shiite crescent has brought the Jewish state and the Land of the Two Holy Mosques closer than ever, at least in terms of their regional policies.

Publicly, this is far from evident. King Abdullah’s public hand-holding with Ahmadinejad at this year’s Gulf Cooperation Council summit should be contrasted with Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal’s refusal to shake Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s hand at the Annapolis conference.

However, these opposite public displays can be understood in the context of Islamic solidarity and the need to preserve Arab consensus, a prerequisite for the head of the Arab and Muslim world. In addition, open support for stopping Iran’s nuclear ambitions would not be overlooked by Iran, or indeed go unpunished. Hence, the kingdom maintains an official embargo against Israel, yet a cooperative relationship with Iran.

In fact, should a military conflict between Israel and Iran occur, it is clear which side Saudi Arabia will back, at least in private conversations. Publicly of course, they would condemn Israel whilst secretly benefiting from Iran’s weakening without paying the price.

Deterrence against Iran’s nuclear threat in the region is relied on by Israel. Perhaps this was the motivation behind the 2007 revival of what is known as the Arab Peace Initiative in 2002. Saudi Arabia needs Israel more than ever before. By resolving the Palestinian crisis, the common denominator for all Arab and Muslim states, the kingdom is able to retain its dignity and authority in the face of the neighboring Shiite hegemon.

Analysts and commentators on the region seem to be bewildered by this reconfiguration of forces. Yet despite popular portrayal, this alliance is by no means new. Saudi Arabia and Israel have engaged in clandestine meetings even prior to 2002.

According to statesmen, senior military officers and former intelligence officers, former Saudi ambassador to the United States, Prince Bandar — also known as “Bandar Bush” for his close relationship with Bush the elder — has had contact with Israel since at least 1990. Rumor has it that these relations have occurred as early as 1976 when Saudi Arabia secretly sent a letter via Tunisian Foreign Minister Mohammed Masmoudi to Israel offering a large sum of money in return for withdrawing from the occupied territories.

As former president of the United States Jimmy Carter notes, Saudi rulers have always masked their support for peaceful relations with Israel: “As president, I had strong but private encouragement from Saudi leaders for my peace initiatives, even when their public statements were quite different.”

In spite of all this, it is unlikely that the royal family is going to turn into committed Zionists. Vitriolic anti-Semitic imagery and literature is a daily occurrence in Saudi Arabia, often enshrined in its schoolbooks and used as an outlet for the frustration of its own population. The results of a survey conducted by Terror Free Tomorrow show that a majority of Saudis have an unfavorable opinion of Jews and oppose a peace treaty or any recognition of the state of Israel.

Saudi Arabia remained uncommitted to the Annapolis conference right until the last minute, since it feared that its failure could play into the hands of Iran. Such hesitancy sheds light on its priorities: containing Iran in order to secure its regional standing, not achieving Arab-Israeli peace.

Such concerns may prompt the Saudis to take further steps. King Abdullah recently held a very public meeting with Queen Elizabeth, an historic tête-à-tête with Pope Benedict XVI and even sent a representative to the Annapolis conference. Has a precedent been set for the reform-minded king to engage in future, more open meetings with leaders of the Jewish state?

* Claudia Schwartz is a Legacy Heritage fellow at the Transatlantic Institute in Brussels.

http://www.yobserver.com/opinions/printer-10013570.html

U.S. to sell Saudis smart bombs

Terence Hunt, Associated Press

Tuesday, January 15, 2008

(01-15) 04:00 PST Riyadh, Saudi Arabia — President Bush delivered a sophisticated weapons sale for Saudi Arabia on Monday, trying to bolster defenses against threats from U.S. adversary Iran and muster support in this oil-rich kingdom for a long-stalled Mideast peace agreement.

On a surprisingly cold day with blustery winds, Bush received a warm embrace from King Abdullah, whose family wields almost absolute rule. Among ordinary Saudis and across much of the Mideast, Bush is unpopular, particularly because of the Iraq war and unflinching U.S. support for Israel.

Bush and Abdullah were going to some lengths over two days to emphasize their strong personal ties.

Saudi Arabia holds the world's largest oil reserves and surging fuel costs are putting a major strain on the troubled U.S. economy. But White House officials said it was unclear if Bush raised the subject with the king. The issue has come up in earlier stops on Bush's eight-day trip, largely in the context of his quest for alternate fuels and sources of energy, the officials said.

White House counselor Ed Gillespie said Mideast leaders have "talked about the nature of the market and the vast demand that's on the world market today for oil." He said that was "a legitimate and accurate point."

Coinciding with Bush's arrival, the administration officially notified Congress it will offer Saudi Arabia sophisticated Joint Direct Attack Munitions - or smart bomb - technology and related equipment. The deal envisions the transfer of 900 of the precision-guided bomb kits, worth $123 million, that would give Saudi forces highly accurate targeting abilities.

Some lawmakers fear the systems could be used against Israel, but Congress appears unlikely to block the deal because of Saudi Arabia's cooperation in the war on terror and in deterring aggression from Iran.

Rep. Tom Lantos, D-San Mateo, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, does not intend to consider a resolution of disapproval, spokeswoman Lynne Weil said.

The arms deal creates a dilemma for lawmakers, especially for Democrats eager to challenge Bush's handling of foreign policy. At the same time, they see Saudi Arabia's cooperation as crucial to the war on terror and in deterring aggression from Iran.

"We need to be convinced that the sale makes sense militarily and ensure that it in no way harms our security or those of our allies," said Sen. Joseph Biden, D-Del., chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. "We must also make certain that the administration does not just try to use a few arms sales to substitute for the comprehensive, coherent strategy we need for the region."

The United States already has notified Congress of five other packages to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, including Patriot missiles. The total amount of eventual sales as part of the Gulf Security Dialogue is estimated at $20 billion, a figure subject to actual purchases.

The sales are a key element in Bush's strategy to shore up defenses against Iran, which the president has deemed the world's top state sponsor of terrorism. Saudi Arabia and other gulf states, with majority Sunni Muslim populations, harbor deep suspicions about Shiite Iran's rising power and want to make sure the United States remains committed to keeping Tehran's ambitions in check. At the same time, Arab allies are worried that the world economy would suffer heavily if the U.S. dispute with Iran turns into a military confrontation.

On Mideast peace, Saudi Arabia handed Bush a coup by taking part in the U.S.-sponsored Mideast peace conference in Annapolis, Md., in November. Bush was expected to encourage Saudi Arabia during his visit to use some of its vast wealth to help struggling Palestinians build the foundations of a future state. Bush also sees support from Arab neighbors as crucial to the Palestinian leadership being able to successfully negotiate with Israel over borders and other contentious issues.

Abdullah, for his part, was expected to urge Bush to keep up the pressure on Israel to halt settlements in Palestinian territories.

Bush's drive to spread democracy across the Mideast was another likely topic. The king has tried to push some reforms on education and women's rights, and there have been limited municipal council elections. But he has been cautious and limited in his effort.

Posing for pictures, the king and the president did not speak about political matters. Abdullah presented Bush with what appeared to be a medallion of gold with white and green stones, suspended from a gold palm tree emblem with crossed swords.

"The least we can do in providing you hospitality is to provide you with the highest order of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and that is the Order of the late King Abdul Aziz, founder of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia," Abdullah said, speaking through a translator.

Saudi Arabia to buy 150 russian helicopters!

PARIS --- In an abrupt policy shift, Saudi Arabia has signed an agreement to buy over 150 Russian-made Mi-35 Hind and Mi-17 Hip helicopters worth over $2.2 billion, ending French hopes of sealing a long-delayed sale of 148 helicopters and raising doubts about future French arms sales to the Saudi kingdom.

Sources say the Memorandum of Understanding with Russia was signed in Ryad in mid-September by members of the private cabinet of Saudi King Abdallah bin Abd al-Aziz Al Saud, and follows extended visits to Russia by Saudi military delegations in February and March 2007 to appraise the capabilities of Russian helicopters and other weapons.

The sources also said that Saudi Arabia appears to have decided to buy T-90 main battle tanks and medium-range air-defense systems from Russia, replacing previous plans to buy French-made Leclerc tanks and Aster 30 SAMP/T air-defense systems. No agreement has yet been signed for these systems, however,

Eurocopter confirmed that Saudi Arabia has opted for Russian helicopters, but said the company’s future prospects in the country remained unclear. Nexter, manufacturer of the Leclerc tank, and missile maker MBDA had no comment on the status of their dealings with Saudi Arabia.

While conceding that the Saudis had signed an agreement to buy Russian utility helicopters, a senior French official told defense-aerospace.com that the Mi-17 and Mi-35 met only part of the Saudi requirement. Noting that the two Saudi customers – the Armed Forces and the National Guard - would not necessarily buy the same equipment, he said that France was still in the running to sell several other helicopter types. These include naval, Combat Search And Rescue and training helicopters, he implied, for which Russian helicopters are unsuited.

Saudi Arabia’s decision to retain Russia as a major arms supplier is the result of two recent policy decisions made by King Abdallah bin Abd al-Aziz Al Saud. One was Abdallah’s decision to take direct control of major arms purchases, which were previously largely the domain of the defense and aviation ministry headed by Prince Sultan Bin Abdulaziz, the Saudi Crown Prince and deputy prime minister who is also Abdallah’s half-brother. Sultan is said to be out of favor.

Abdallah also is loosening arms ties with France because of its insistence on large, multiple-system packages, and its stubborn arm-twisting to include weapons that the Saudis do not want, like the Rafale combat aircraft, in these packages.

While the Saudis were willing as late as the fall of 2006 to sign two or three medium-sized helicopters deals, covering 42 Fennec light helicopters, 20 Cougar Combat Search and Rescue helicopters and 10 NFH-90 naval helicopters, sources say they indefinitely postponed these plans after French officials continued to insist that the package also include Rafales, several FREMM frigates and Gowind corvettes, and Leclerc tanks.

“The idea of selling comprehensive packages was pushed by the Elysée the French President’s office-Ed. as a final coup for former President Jacques Chirac,” one industry official told defense-aerospace.com. “Now, Chirac’s gone, we’ve signed nothing, and we’re shut out of the Saudi market for the foreseeable future. A real success for France,” the official said.

France has now conceded it will not sell Rafale to Saudi Arabia. “We haven’t discussed Rafale in Saudi Arabia. It’s not a current issue,” French Defense Minister Hervé Morin said Oct. 28 in Jeddah, after talks with Saudi leaders.

France is hoping that Libya, which has contracted to upgrade its obsolete Dassault Mirage F-1 fighters, may also agree to buy the Rafale, and an agreement could be announced during Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi’s forthcoming visit to Paris, possibly in December.

The Saudis are also said to be unhappy with what they perceive as French snubs. These include the French government’s failure to appoint an official of sufficiently high rank to head Sofresa, the arms export agency especially set up to handle contracts with Saudi Arabia. France’s use of local marketing networks that include individuals that are “persona non grata” at King Abdallah’s court is seen as another snub.

France’s insistence on stuffing as many weapons as possible into arms deals has also been cited as one of the reasons why Morocco finally opted to buy the U.S.-made F-16 fighter instead of the Rafale, which Paris wanted to supply in a single package together with helicopters and corvettes.

Another factor is that the election in May of Nicolas Sarkozy to succeed Chirac as French president has not gone down well with the Saudis, who take exception at his declarations that French diplomacy would in future distance itself from its traditional pro-Arab stance.

The loss of the Saudi contracts, whose total value was estimated at well over 7 billion euros, is a severe loss for French industry, which is encountering growing difficulties in exporting its weapons in the face of cut-throat competition from the United States and Russia.

Paris is now making a last-ditch attempt to salvage at least some Saudi deals, and President Sarkozy’s planned visit to Saudi Arabia, in January, might constitute such an opportunity. The sale of several Airbus tanker aircraft, and possibly of a reconnaissance satellite which Saudi Arabia would share with Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, are two possibilities.

The sale of Fennec light helicopters, which the Saudis need for pilot training, may finally go through simply because there is no direct Russian competitor, sources say, noting however that this sale is only worth about 300 million euros.

http://www.defense-aerospace.com
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Blink! blink!
Everybody who read this would become quickly aware that this could become an early indication of a new trend of arm sales in Middle East.
It may be to soon to say that Middle Eastern states begin to avoid using US made weapons, but if Saudi really going to buy T-90 tanks after these helicopters and then followed by other Arab states, US have to think very, very, I mean very deeply why this misfortune happen to their defense industry.......